A month after reports that major liberal political donors discussed funding branches of Black Lives Matter, the diverse nationwide movement sparked in part by police killings of black men, two political action committees bearing the rallying cry have either yet to begin fundraising in earnest or are struggling to bring in money.
That may yet change, but not without a little hand-wringing. Kenny Murdock, who has run Black Lives Matter PAC LLC since early October, said his committee has yet to see much of a cash inflow but is currently in talks with two billionaire funders. One difficulty, according to Murdock: Wealthy would-be contributors are wary of political blowback for their donations.
The Democracy Alliance, a club of wealthy liberal donors dedicated to building and maintaining a progressive big-money infrastructure for liberal candidates and causes, met with several voices in the diverse movement last month, according to Politico and the New York Times.
Murdock’s group was not among those mentioned as having been a party to the discussions, however. His PAC has yet to file its intent to collect unlimited contributions with the FEC, the filing that would make it a super PAC.
But giving potential backers pause in particular is the peril of being the first major donor to give to a group whose name conjures up “political fear and agitation,” Murdock said. He’s hearing that potential donors expect a “barnstorm” from their political enemies as soon as the PAC’s filings — which will list the sources of funds — become public.
“That’s when [the donors’] political opposition and people who scour through those pages will get up their quivers,” he said. “They don’t want to be the first one to take the arrows.”
Murdock, who hosts a progressive radio show in St. Louis and has worked in politics for Missouri state officials, would not identify his group’s potential wealthy donors, including the two billionaires. But he said some work in the “construction development” industry, while others are members of “Jewish identity groups” who see a need for a counterbalance to what they hear coming from the conservative side of the aisle.
According to CRP’s data, just one of the top 20 construction sector donors to super PACs so far this cycle has given to a liberal group. The rest have given to conservative groups; all together, the 20 have given $3.7 million.
It’s still early in the cycle, and many liberal donors so far appear to be withholding their contributions even from the super PAC backing Hillary Clinton. But If donors are skittish about how their contributions will be perceived, why not instead use asocial welfare nonprofit, which would never have to disclose its donors?
“For my BLMPAC, dark money feels out-of-bounds and dangerous to play with,” Murdock said. “Those that traffic in it often have hidden agendas that conflict with our theme.”
There are now three federal committees registered with the FEC with “Black Lives Matter” in their names — two super PACs in addition to Murdock’s PAC. All three are independent of one another and still in their infancy. One Black Lives Matter super PAC started last week, based in New Orleans. And the other, based in Brooklyn, simply isn’t ready to go to wealthy donors with the big ask.
Tarik Mohamed runs the Brooklyn-based super PAC. He said he’s looking for new ways to engage with millennial voters about issues like solitary confinement, including through a virtual reality project. Once his group has a proof of concept for the kind of political advertising he wants to run, then it will go to major donors, he explained.
“We have a list — we don’t feel we’re quite ready to approach them,” he said.
Mohamed also said he’s new to this, learning as he goes and using the cards he’s been dealt: the super PAC system. “We’re not a democracy anymore,” he said.